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Talia Mae Bettcher

Transsexualityvariant of gender identity in which the affected person believes that he or she should belong to the opposite sex.

The transsexual male, for example, was born with normal female genitalia and other secondary characteristics of the feminine sex; very trans-sexuality in life, however, he identified with men and behaved in trans-sexuality manner appropriate to the male sex.

His sexual orientation is generally one of attraction to other trans-sexuality. With the development of trans-sexualify surgical techniques and hormone tranw-sexualitytrans-sexuality thousand transsexuals, male and female, have undergone a permanent gender reassignment.

Although both male and female transsexuals exist, the male-to-female operation is more common because the genital reconstruction is more satisfactory. Female-to-male transsexuals may undergo mastectomy and hormone treatments trans-sexuality produce the trans-sexuality secondary sexual characteristics, but attempts to create an artificial trans-sexuality have not been particularly satisfactory.

Article Media. Info Print Cite. Submit Feedback. Thank you for your feedback. See Article History. Learn More in these related Britannica articles: Harry Benjamin.

Most transvestites, in fact, are men who comfortably fill male roles in society and are satisfied with their biological sex. By contrast, transsexuals, both male and female,…. Gender identity is not fixed at birth; both physiologic and social factors trans-sexuality to the early establishment of a….

Trans-sexuality at your fingertips. Sign trans-sexuality here to see what happened On This Dayevery day in your inbox! By signing trans-sexuality, you agree to our Privacy Notice. Be on the lookout trans-sexuality trans-sexualiry Britannica newsletter to get trusted stories delivered right to your inbox. More About. Articles from Britannica Encyclopedias for elementary and high school students.

This essay discusses the complex relations between feminist trams-sexuality and trans and intersex theory and politics. This chapter shows how this model has unfortunately resulted in political impasse, particularly in articulating a feminism that sees trans and intersex oppression as intersecting with sexist oppression. The chapter excavates and interrogates the roots trans-sexualitg this model in, for example, the responses of Sandy Stone and Kate Bornstein to the transphobic feminism of Janice Raymond, and provides an alternative way of conceptualizing trans and intersex oppression more congenial to an intersectional framework.

As a consequence, the beyond-the-binary model has foreclosed a genuinely intersectional trans feminism and intersex feminism, leaving the former mired in a politically impoverished individualism. Transsexual was originally used in a medical context to refer to individuals with gender identities incongruent with the sex assigned at birth who sought medical technologies to alter their bodies.

The term has recently been used to flag trans-sexuality to the politics of transgender. The expressions hermaphrodite and intersex have a long history, and both have been used in medical and activist ways Chase b. Some transsexual individuals have claimed transsexuality as a kind of intersex condition. As far we as we know, such claims have not been substantiated.

Under the influence of John Money, a model for the treatment of intersex individuals emerged in the mids, and moved quickly into dominance Karkazis This model held that rather trans-sexualiy gonads or chromosomes, gender of rearing was the most reliable factor in determining the gender identity of an intersex individual, as long as the gender was properly assigned before the ages of eighteen to twenty-four months Dreger and Herndon; Reis This required parental consistency in the gender of rearing and a lack of confusion in the child created by knowledge of their intersex past.

In practice, this led to clinicians deceiving patients about their intersex conditions Dreger and Herndon,; Reis— Central to this model rrans-sexuality the view that medical interventions on the body were necessary to facilitate the p. This intervention involved genital surgery to approximate the genitalia of the assigned gendergonadal removal if the gonads disagreed with the assigned genderand subsequent hormone therapy when the patient reached the age of puberty The gender of rearing was largely determined by the likelihood of surgical success, and, as a consequence, most intersex infants were socially and surgically assigned female Inthe same year Harry Benjamin published the landmark Trans-sexualitty Transsexual Phenomenonthe Johns Hopkins Hospital of Johns Hopkins University became the first to offer a program for sex-reassignment surgery with Money as the leadushering in an era of large-university gender-identity clinics that would last to the end of the seventies Meyerowitz Patients were selected partly based on their ability to pass as nontranssexualwillingness to fade into the background of everyday life, and compliance with a trans-sexuality lifestyle Meyerowitz The core idea, championed by Harry Benjamin, was that while the gender identity of transsexuals was pathological, it was impervious to alteration.

If the mind cannot be changed, according to this logic, the body must be changed to alleviate the suffering of the patient Benjamin Intersex activism has also had some success, though it has diverged significantly from its earlier ties with transgender activism.

In opposing the Money protocols, intersex politics aimed to end the era of secrecy and shame and, most of all, to end these nonconsensual surgeries. Yet the genealogy is also longer and more complex. From the beginning, there were some trans thinkers who worried that trans theory and politics were too closely wedded to queer theory and politics Namaste ; Prosser ; Rubin Bornstein also draws significantly on the groundbreaking feminist ethnomethodological work of Suzanne Kessler and Wendy McKenna7who had undermined the sex-gender distinction long before Butler arrived on the scene.

Trans-sexuality hostility had a long history. Underlying this hostility is the premise that trans women are actually men. Two, possibly inconsistent, claims, often blurred together, motivate that position. The first is the essentialist view that chromosomes determine sex Raymondtranx-sexuality And the latter view is crucial to lesbian feminism and trans-sexualiity woman-identified woman as a political project of self-definition Radicalesbians In this view, women have long had their self-identities colonized by men.

The solution is to become woman-identified, to begin to see oneself through the loving eyes of another woman. Given that Raymond allows for the possibility of self-definition, the question arises of why it is not possible for trans women to self-define as women. Just as it would be questionable for a white person to claim to be black as a way of resisting racism, so it is questionable for a man to define himself as a woman to adopt a pro-feminist stance Raymond An appeal to woman-identification could not trans-sexuality have the same meaning of resistance for a trxns-sexuality because he has not experienced sexist oppression in the first place—the oppression from which the necessity for meaningful resistance arises.

Indeed, for a man to claim a resistant category of womonhood or feminist lesbianism seems trans-sexuality beyond the pale. I will call this the radical feminist argument. Unfortunately the argument, already buried in an ocean of hostile representations of trans women, was subsequently de-emphasized in what appears to have been a deeper plunge into essentialism.

In her introduction to the edition of The Transsexual Empire, Raymond pointed to the importance of history—but this time to the history of bodily events as determined by XX chromosomes —menstruation, childbirth, p. While Raymond denied any essentialism, one wonders trans-swxuality she would say about individuals trwns-sexuality did not experience such a history but were nonetheless raised as girls and subjected to sexist oppression.

Germaine Greer adopted similar logic in her critique of male-to-female transsexuals in The Whole Woman There she argued that intersex individuals with complete androgen insensitivity syndrome CAIS are male despite the fact that most individuals with the CAIS condition are raised as female and self-identify as females Greer74— The feminists who critiqued the medical protocols for the treatment of people with intersex conditions, allied themselves with intersex activism and contributed to the theoretical context of its development.

Chase reached out to Kessler inleading to a correspondence between the two. Chase also found a devoted ally in Alice Dreger a few years later Karkazis To be sure, there is a perverse sense in which the emerging transgender politics of the nineties endorsed many of the points that Raymond herself had made.

There was agreement that the medical model of transsexuality serves to perpetuate sexist norms Raymond92; Stone, and that transsexuality is not a pathological condition but arises, rather, as a consequence trans-sexulity an oppressive gender system Raymond; Bornstein There was even agreement that bodily dysphoria, which motivates surgical intervention, would disappear in a culture that had no gender oppression Raymond; Bornstein Trans-sexuality Raymond represented the hostile face of feminism in opposition to which trans studies ttrans-sexuality politics arose.

Her transphobia had to be named and analyzed. This process generated efforts to articulate a notion of trans oppression and resistance that did not reduce to sexist oppression. When Raymondrepresents postoperative trans people as synthetically hermaphroditic, she construes trans women as hybrids who take up feminine stereotypes while retaining aspects of masculine sex role and privilege She contrasts such integration the putting together of parts with integrity, represented as the transcendence of sex roles altogether p.

But the transsexual currently occupies a position which is nowhere, which is outside the binary oppositions of gendered discourse. For a transsexual, as a transsexual, to generate a true, effective and representational counter-discourse is to speak from outside the boundaries of gender, beyond the constructed oppositional nodes which have been predefined as the only trans-seduality from which discourse is possible.

Stone For Stone, trans-seuxality means that transsexuals ought not construct plausible histories of their past. Instead, they ought to own their transsexual pasts and integrate that into their current self-identities.

Years earlier, when I went through my gender change from male to female, I glided through life under the commonly trans-sexxuality assumption: I was finally a real woman!

Bornstein 3. Although there are different variants of the beyond-the-binary model, a common denominator is a characterization of sharp splits between two oppositional gender extremes as the source of oppression. The insistence on two clearly distinguished sexes has calamitous personal consequences for the many individuals who arrive in the world with sexual anatomy that fails to be easily distinguished into male or female.

Chase a This model has left many unhappy as it invalidates trans people who identify within the binary. And there is a sense in which this p. They refuse the confessional strategy of coming out. Consider the following well-known passage from Raymond:. Rape, although it is usually done trans-sexualify force, can also be accomplished by trans-sexuapity. Trans-sexuality This is clearly an extreme transphobic claim, but one that requires additional theorization.

The claim that postoperative male-to-female transsexuals are, from their sheer existence, inherently rapists was not fully addressed in p. The frequently deployed representation of trans women as deceptive has also escaped scrutiny, By understanding the nature of this transphobia, and how trans people contest it, it is possible to answer the radical feminist argument. Emphasizing the mutual constitution of racial and sexist oppression and the importance of investigating systems of advantage and disadvantage, the concept of intersectionality seems to provide an attractive basis for trans feminism.

Not only does her trans feminism concern both trans-specific oppression and sexist oppression and the ways in which these oppressions can be integrally linked, Koyama also argued that any form of trans feminism which fails to centralize other forms of oppression such as racism and classism through an intersectional lens does so at its own peril. But how is the intersection between sexist and trans oppression to be understood?

The beyond-the-binary model cannot sustain such an intersection. But in developing a politics based on rejecting gendered binaries, this model precludes the possibility of an intersectional tranw-sexuality or intersex feminism. It is possible to advance a critique similar to that raised by Paula Moyaby suggesting that there is a distinction p. Indeed, the presumption that an anti-identity stance is a good political strategy runs afoul of intersectional concerns.

As Cathy Cohen notes. Class or material privilege is a cornerstone of much of queer politics and theory as they exist today. Cohen This idea seems likewise applicable to trans theory and politics. Trans as resistant identity raises trans-sexuality conundrums, however. But in this instance, she is not oppressed as a woman, because trrans-sexuality is not even recognized as one. Alternately, a trans woman may be recognized as a woman, which also constitutes a form of trans oppression insofar as her liminal status has been erased precisely by thrusting her into one of two hegemonic categories.

In this case, she is oppressed first through trans-seuality erasure of her liminal status, and second through standard forms of sexism once she is regarded as woman. In neither instance can trans woman or intersex woman be properly understood as a resistant category on par with, say, woman of colorhowever.

For to place oneself in the category woman, and hence in the binary, is precisely to be complicit in trans or intersex oppression. Something more than analogy is needed as a basis for trans and intersex feminism. Genders beyond the binary of male and female are neither fictive nor futural but are embodied and lived. Thus, rather than p. Intersex activists and theorists have raised related trans-swxuality about feminist theorizing and teaching on intersex issues see Rosario Similar complaints have made in trans studies.

In may be, however, that trans and intersex identities e. It is worth noting that that there has not been a parade of adjectives acknowledged under the category woman. In aiming for a genuinely intersectional trans feminism, then, perhaps a transformative model might be preferable. By theorizing trans in ways that do not rely on the beyond-the-binary model, it is possible to move beyond nonbinary subjectivities as flattened theories and tired trans-sexuality to see real flesh and blood people who live outside the binary.

This appearance-reality contrast is manifested in two ways, both to the detriment of trans identity. Such practices are clearly abusive. But even in the absence of physical abuse, certain discursive practices deploy euphemism to invalidate trans identity.

That question clearly concerns whether the trans woman has a penis. Such privacy invading questions are never asked of cisgendered people, and questions about genitalia are not p. Therefore the entire system of communicating genital status through public gender presentation must be viewed as inherently abusive.

Thus, even cis people are subject to this abuse in their daily disclosures of genital status through gender presentation. What makes it particularly abusive is that it is a form of mandatory boundary violation.

Trans people oppose this systematically abusive system by refusing the mandate to disclose their genital status. Such opposition comes into immediate conflict with violent forces that aim to secure public disclosure of genital status, of course, often through violent means of reality enforcement.

In this way the mandatory quality of the system becomes visible. What makes trans identities resistant , in my view, is not only a stand against reality enforcement but transformative practice in many trans subcultures where public gender presentation is re-signified. In such contexts, gender presentation simply provides no information at all about genital status. It no longer means genital status. In their everyday sense, man and woman , and the entire binary gender system are sustained by the practice of communicating private genital status through public presentation Bettcher By disrupting hegemonic gender signification, various features such as possessing a penis thought to count against a trans woman being a woman no longer do.

Within trans subcultures, being a trans woman is a sufficient condition for being a woman. Within such resignifications, trans identities are resistant not merely in their opposition to dominant concepts, but by disabling the capacity of gender euphemisms to communicate genital status. Once gender presentation no longer communicates genital status, it is not clear just what one is doing when one performs gender or why gender performance is undertaken, much less mandated Bettcher In such transformative contexts, terms such as woman and man can function to illuminate the significance of the presentation, particularly when underwritten by narratives that elucidate what woman means to the person who uses it.

Any identity category predicated upon a gender presentation that does not communicate genital status is resistant in this way. It is worth noting that the beyond-the-binary model capitulates to this abusive representational system.

As part of its commitment to the politics of visibility, it endorses the view that passing as non-trans is ultimately deceptive. As Stone , has noted, p. To be sure, the account is limited in that it does not attend to the intersection of multiple oppressions. The identity-invalidation dimension of oppression illuminates complementary aspects of oppression and resistance in the beyond-the-binary model. In cases of genital amputation, Garfinkel , noted, we speak of penises and vaginas to which we are entitled or were meant to have.

I will call this moral genitalia. In everyday life, gender attribution turns on how one is dressed, the make-up one wears, the accessories one sports, how one moves in public space, that is, on the basis of cultural genitalia. For trans people, the cultural genitalia imputed from gender performance can come apart from disclosed moral genitalia. That is why even transsexuals who have had genital reconstruction surgery are viewed as deceptive.

As their surgically constructed genitalia are dismissed as fraudulent, they are charged with deception about their moral genitalia. Oppressive reality enforcement makes clear that public gender presentation communicates moral genitalia a. In the case of intersex theory, Suzanne Kessler again figures prominently. Arguing against the early intersex activist desire to promote a pan-intersex identity Chase a , Kessler suggests that a better strategy is to adapt the two binary categories, expanding them in ways that make genitals irrelevant.

Although intimacy is often relegated to the private sphere, our private lives are very much a part of the everyday. Nakedness itself can be viewed as a social construct, where the intimate presentation of a person is structured in accordance with moral boundaries related to certain body parts breasts, buttocks, genitals —boundaries that determine what count as violations of privacy and decency Bettcher Clearly, there are at least two different kinds of socially constituted nakedness, male and female, associated with distinct moral boundaries.

And moral boundaries pertaining to privacy are thoroughly gendered. For example, a male voyeur who secretly observes a naked female will be guilty of violating her privacy; a female who is exposed involuntarily to a naked male will have her decency boundaries violated.

Norms in Anglo-American cultures often construct moral boundaries that position men as violators and women as violated Bettcher Indeed, such intimate modes of self-presentation are central to the notion of moral genitalia. It is within this context that Raymond constructs trans women as inherently rapists. Viewing them as morally male, she situates them within a male boundary-structure of nakedness, which overrides surgically constructed female embodiment.

Invalidating their gender identities by insisting that trans women inescapably fall within male boundaries of nakedness, Raymond construes trans women as the personification of rape.

Attending to gender presentation in intimate contexts also reframes the non- consensual surgeries performed on intersex infants, which provide a person with a p. Given the non-consensual nature of surgery on intersex infants, these operations could be construed not only as a violation of physical integrity, but also as a kind of sexual violation.

Such a reframing illuminates claims made by some intersex people. Intersex patients have frequently been subjected to repeated genital examinations, which creates a feeling of freakishness and unacceptableness. The oppressive dynamics of identity invalidation and reality enforcement provide one basis for coalition among intersex and trans activists and suggest possibilities for understanding the intersections of intersex, trans, and sexist oppressions.

The public communication of private genital status is central to the manipulative character of compulsory heterosexual sexuality, which accredits certain nonverbal gestures and behaviors such as attire, accepting drinks, dinner or a movie as communicating consent to sexual encounters Bettcher Hegemonic assumptions about such tacit communication link sexual violence to this system of genital representation, illuminating connections between violence against trans and intersex people and violence against women.

And these connections provide a ground for coalition among intersex, trans women and non-intersex, non-trans women—a coalition grounded in resistance against multiple modalities of sexual violence. Perhaps transformative conceptions of womanhood generated within trans politics can contribute to gendered identities that are not only resistant, but genuinely coalitional. San Francisco: Spinsters Aunt Lute.

Find this resource:. Benjamin, Harry. The Transsexual Phenomenon. New York: Julian Press. Bettcher, Talia Mae. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spring Edward N. Zalta, ed. Bornstein, Kate. New York: Routledge. November 14, Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity.

Undoing Gender. Chase, Cheryl. Cohen, Cathy J. Henderson, 21— Combahee River Collective. New York: Kitchen Table. Fausto-Sterling, Anne. New York: Basic. Feinberg, Leslie. New York: World View Forum. Frye, Marilyn.

Berkeley, CA: Crossing Press. Garfinkel, Harold. Studies in Ethnomethodology. Oxford: Polity Press. Greer, Germaine. The Whole Woman. New York: Anchor Books. Haraway, Donna. New York: Routledge, — Herndon, April. Heyes, Cressida.

Holmes, Morgan. Intersex: A Perilous Difference. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Karkazis, Katrina. Kessler, Suzanne J. Lessons from the Intersexed. Kessler, Suzanne, and W. Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach. New York: John Wiley. Koyama, Emi. Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Koyama, Emi, and Lisa Weasel. Meyerowitz, Joanne. Morgan, Robin. Moya, Paula M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohante, — Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Namaste, Viviane, K. Preves, Sharon E. Intersex and Identity: The Contested Self. Prosser, Jay. New York: Columbia University Press. London: Onlywomen. Raymond, Janice. Boston: Beacon Press.

With a new introduction on transgender. New York: Teachers College Press. Reis, Elizabeth. Salamon, Gayle. Assuming a Body: Transgender and Rhetorics of Materiality. Rosario, Vernon A. Rubin, David. Intersex before and after Gender. Emory University.

Rubin, Henry. Serano, Julia. Emeryville, CA: Seal Press. Stone, Sandy. Stryker, Susan Transgender History. Berkeley, CA: Seal Press. For far more detailed accounts of the development of intersex politics, see Chase a ; Karkazis Oddly, however, Karkazis omits any reference to the transgender politics in San Francisco that Chase cites as so important to her development.

For a full discussion, see Rubin All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice.

Oxford Handbooks Online. Publications Pages Publications Pages. Search within my subject: Select Politics Urban Studies U. History Law Linguistics Literature. Music Neuroscience Philosophy Physical Sciences. Intersexuality, Transgender, and Transsexuality. The Oxford Handbook of Feminist Theory. Read More. Subscriber sign in. Forgot password? Don't have an account? But when he started taking testosterone at age 22, that began to change.

Several studies suggest that changes in sexual orientation among trans people are quite common. In another study of U. Almost identical results were found in a study of U. Most of these changes include shifts from exclusive attraction to one gender pre-transition toward some level of bisexuality post-transition, as was the case with Toby, who declined to share his last name. But some people claim almost complete reversal of their sexual orientation. Why these changes happen is less clear, and like many things in psychology, this may be a question with several correct answers.

Although we tend to think of sexual orientation as something fixed at birth determined by our genes and prenatal hormone exposure and usually unchangeable thereafter, it is undoubtedly fluid to some extent, so shifts in attraction could be no different from those that happen to many cisgender folks as well. But these general population numbers are much lower than those found in trans populations, suggesting there are likely other factors at play among trans folks.

Perhaps the most obvious candidate is the hormonal changes that trans people undergo as part of their transition. While the exact ways androgens and estrogens influence sexual orientation are not yet understood, most scholars agree that hormones — at least as far as prenatal exposure goes — play an important role. And many trans folks themselves directly link these changes in attractions to the hormones they are taking or suppressing.


Historically, studies trans-sexuality that transgender sexuality might be distinct from traditional human sexuality. For much of the 20th century, what was described as "transsexualism" was believed to be sexual in nature, [1] [2] and so was defined along these terms. Like other people, transgender people exhibit the full range of possible sexual orientations and interests, [6] including the potential for a lack of sexual attraction.

Historically, clinicians labeled trans people as heterosexual or homosexual relative to their sex assigned at birth.

To avoid confusion, particularly with non-binary genderthe terms " gynesexual " and " androsexual " are sometimes used to describe attraction to women and men, respectively. Psychiatrist Richard Greenin an appendix to Harry Benjamin 's The Transsexual Phenomenonconsiders people assigned male at birth who have adopted a more feminine gender role.

The exact cultural role of two-spirit Native Americans varied from tribe to tribe, but in all cases Green writes about they are oriented towards men. Mukhannathun were transgender individuals of the Muslim faith and Arab extraction who were present in Medina and Mecca during and after the time of Muhammad.

This is one of those who have no interest in women who were permitted to enter upon women. Travesti are Brazilian male assigned people who are attracted to men. By the mids, the range of gender identities and sexual orientations among trans men were well-established, [22] [ clarification needed ] with the majority of trans men attracted primarily or exclusively to women.

Foerster reported a year successful relationship between a woman and a trans man who transitioned in the late s. In the 20th century, trans men attracted to women struggled to demonstrate the existence and legitimacy of their identity.

Author Henry Rubin wrote that "[i]t took the substantial efforts of Lou Sullivana gay FTM activist who insisted that female-to-male transgender people could be attracted to men. As of December 17, Volume 1: Playful Awakenings has been released.

Cultural studies scholar J. Latham wrote the first definitive analysis of trans men's sexual practices in the journal Sexualities. Many transgender individuals choose to not use the language that is typically used to refer to sexual body parts, instead using words that are less gendered. The reason for this practice, is that hearing the typical names for genitalia and other sexual body parts can cause severe gender dysphoria for some trans people.

Not all transgender people choose to rename their body. Ultimately, the decision of what language a trans person chooses to use for their body, and wants others to use, is up to the individual whose body is being named. Some trans women choose to call their anus their vagina because they can use their anus in many of the same ways that cisgender women can use their vagina. Furthermore, some transgender women choose to refer to other, non sexual, parts of their body as sexual body parts that belong to people who are biologically female, such as the vulva and the clitoris.

Some trans men choose to call their vagina, their front hole because they feel that it is less gendered. Furthermore, some transgender men choose to refer to other, non sexual, parts of their body as sexual body parts that belong people who are biologically male, such as the penis and the testicles.

For example, some transgender men choose to refer to their clitoris as their penis, because, like the penis, the clitoris often increases in size, when an individual is aroused. For transgender women, taking estrogen stimulates the development of breast tissue, causing them to both increase in size and sensitivity.

Furthermore, for those taking estrogen and who have male genitalia, estrogen can and often does trans-sexuality the external male genitalia, decrease the production of semen at times bringing the sperm count to zeroand can decrease the ability for the male genitalia to become erect. In addition to these changes, some transgender woman going through HRT can also experience changes in the way their orgasms feel. For example, some people report the ability to experience multiple orgasms.

For transgender men, one of the most notable physical changes that many taking testosterone experience, in terms of sexuality and the sexual body, is the stimulation of clitorial tissue and the enlargement of the clitoris. This can make sex with the female genitalia more painful and can, at times, result in bleeding.

At times, this increase can be very sudden and dramatic. Like transgender women, some transgender men also experience changes in the way they experience arousal. Some trans people maintain a consistent orientation throughout their lives, [39] [40] in some cases remaining with the same partner through transition. The effects of hormones on the body that sex hormones can, and do, have on the body was discovered in the s by Eugen Steinach.

While undergoing HRT, some transgender identified people report experiencing a shift in their sexual orientation and who they are attracted to. The DSM once had a diagnosis of " transvestic fetishism ". Following the example of the Benjamin Scale, in Buhrich and McConaghy proposed three clinically discrete categories of fetishistic transvestism: "nuclear" transvestites who were satisfied with cross-dressing"marginal" transvestites who also desired feminization by hormones or surgical intervention, and "fetishistic transsexuals", who had shown fetishistic arousal but who identified as transsexuals and sought sex reassignment surgery.

Sexual behavior and gender roles vary by culture, which has an effect on the place of gender variant people in that culture. Trans-sexuality most cultures, trans people are stigmatized, and sexual activity involving transgender trans-sexuality is considered shameful, especially trans-sexuality cultures with rigid sex roles or strictures against non-heterosexual sex. In Arabic, Mediterranean, African-American, and Latino cultures, a distinction is sometimes made between active and passive sexual activity, where the passive or receiving partner is not considered masculine or straight, but the active partner is.

Some observers question the racist assumptions behind clinical literature on transgender sexuality in various ethnic groups. Some Asian countries, notably Thailandhave a more socially tolerant view of transgender sexuality, but there is still much discrimination. In many cultures, transgender people especially trans women are frequently involved in sex work such as transsexual pornography.

Transgender sex workers have high rates of HIV. However, the review found that trans-sexuality women engaged in sex work were not more likely than trans women not engaged in sex work to be HIV positive. The subject of transgender sex workers has attracted attention in the media.

Paris Leesa British trans woman and journalist, wrote trans-sexuality article in June for the Independent defending criticism of Ria, star of Channel 4 documentary Ria: Teen Transsexualwho was seventeen at the time and depicted as working as a prostitute at a massage trans-sexuality, saying that the choice to engage in sex work is a matter of bodily autonomy and pointing out reasons that young trans women often turn to sex work such as low self-esteem and severe employment discrimination.

Some trans men in the sex work industry are gay for pay. Sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld first suggested a distinction based on sexual orientation in The Benjamin Scale proposed trans-sexuality endocrinologist Harry Benjamin in used sexual orientation as one of several factors to distinguish between " transvestites ", "non-surgical" transsexuals, and "true transsexuals". InPerson and Ovesey proposed dividing transsexual women into "primary" and "secondary" transsexuals.

They defined "primary transsexuals" as asexual persons with little or no interest in partnered sexual activity and with no history of sexual arousal to cross-dressing or "cross-gender fantasy".

Dr Norman Fisk noted those entering his clinic seeking reassignment surgery comprised a larger group than fit into the classical transsexual diagnosis. The article notes that effeminate gay men and heterosexual fetishistic transvestites desire surgery and could be considered good candidates for it. Category:LGBT culture. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. The sexuality of transgender people. Gender identities. Health care and medicine.

Rights issues. Society and culture. Theory and concepts. By country. See also. The lead section of this article may need to be rewritten. The reason given is: confused; contains dubious assertions; does not summarize the body. Please discuss this issue on the article's talk page. Use the lead layout guide to ensure the section follows Wikipedia's norms and to be inclusive of all essential details.

April Learn how and when to remove this template message. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Main article: Trans woman. See also: Third gender.

Main article: Trans man. See also: Human sexual activity. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. June Transgender portal Human sexuality portal. Three clinically discrete categories of fetishistic transvestism. Primary transsexualism". American Journal of Psychotherapy. Secondary transsexualism". Violence and the Body: Race, Gender, and the Trans-sexuality.

Indiana University Press. Rosario scrutinized how transgenderism has been described in relation to homosexuality and heterosexuality in both the revised third edition and the fourth edition of the [DSM].

However, sexual orientation was based on one's birth sex, so that an FTM who was attracted to women would be deemed a female homosexual transsexual, whereas an FTM attracted to men would be considered a female heterosexual transsexual.

These diagnoses were especially confusing since a female homosexual transsexual — that is, an FTM who desires women — would actually identify himself as a heterosexual trans man. And an FTM who desires men, a female heterosexual transsexual, would self-identify as either a gay man or a queer-identified FTM. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Surrogate phonology and transsexual faggotry: A linguistic analogy for uncoupling sexual orientation from gender identity.

Anna Livia, Kira Hall eds. Transgender Survey" PDF. National Center for Transgender Equality. Google books : Radcliffe Publishing. Hollerbach, for the Trans-sexuality Consortium.

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Historically, studies assumed that transgender sexuality might be distinct from traditional human sexuality. For much of the 20th century, what was described as​. Research Shows Many Trans Folks' Sexual Attractions Change After Transition.​ Several studies suggest that changes in sexual orientation among trans people are quite common.​ Among Dutch participants, for example, 33% of trans women and 22% of trans men reported experiencing.

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