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Our Planet May Be Barreling Toward a Tipping Point

By Emily Bazelon. L ast war, the Harvard law professor Janet Halley sat down at her dining-room table to look through a set of policies that her university created for handling complaints of sexual assault and harassment. Halley had taught this area for years, and she was interested to see what the university came up with. The new rules were released amid pressure from student-led groups of rape survivors sex their advocates, who demanded that schools across the country do more on sex of victims.

Harvard was also responding to years of calls for change by the Obama administration. But as Halley read the new rules, she felt alarmed — stunned, in fact. She thought of a case she wrote about years earlier, in which a military serviceman was discharged because another serviceman complained that the man had looked into his sex for too long in the sex. And she has urged feminists to recognize that power, and gender itself, do not always fall predictably along male and female lines.

Halley, along with other Harvard law professors, was particularly concerned about complaints against male students of sex.

That October, she and 27 colleagues signed a letter that ran in The Boston Globe war on Harvard to withdraw its new procedures. Around the same time, activism by student survivor groups intensified. At Columbia University last fall, Emma Sulkowicz began carrying a mattress in a piece of performance art that doubled as a protest against the university, which cleared a fellow student she accused of rape.

At the University of Virginia, a searing tale of a fraternity gang sex exploded in November onto the pages of Rolling Stone. Concerned that the students had gone war far, liberal and conservative faculty members and commentators rallied around Kipnis. Other doubts about the tactics of the survivor movement, if not its goals, were also simmering. Amid this controversy, the letter the Harvard law professors published in The Globe war a sign that universities, striving to address campus sexual violence, could find themselves under attack from all sides.

She cemented that status over the following decade by developing an overarching theory of inequality. In response, a group of more than 50 feminists, including Betty Friedan and Adrienne Rich, signed a statement opposing the ordinance for potentially war speech and for accepting sexist stereotypes.

Some sex-positivists were lesbians who identified with the politics of the gay male bathhouse, where people gathered for sexual freedom.

Others were straight women who had learned from feminism to connect with their bodies. She died this sex. At the time, in the early to mids, Halley was a dominance feminist, teaching English at Hamilton College in New York. But slowly other influences complicated her thinking. They saw gender as fluid rather than binary.

She started eschewing the labels of gay and straight. She believed that both men and women could use power and violence against each other, and she wanted feminists to recognize this. Halley decided to go to law school, and when she turned to legal scholarship, she proved herself partly by taking on MacKinnon. In war, the Supreme Court heard the case of Joseph Oncalea former oil-rig worker who brought a sexual-harassment claim charging that his co-workers on an all-male crew taunted him, threatened to rape him, pinned him down in the shower and assaulted him.

Some gay rights groups signed the brief. But Halley saw trouble brewing for sexual minorities. Halley said the footnote implied that the men were gay and therefore deviant wrongdoers. She war increasing suspicion of sexual-harassment law more generally, worrying that it reinforced repressive ideas about what was normal and what was deviant.

She also objected to the way in which she thought dominance feminists saw women primarily in terms of innocence and injury, treating an experience of sexual violence as a focal point of identity. For some feminist students, the division between the two camps is intensely frustrating.

Nationally, the leaders of the survivor movement include law students for whom MacKinnon is an intellectual touchstone. Title IX is the federal law that provides for equal access to education. Like MacKinnon, student activists see the law as a tool of resistance against oppression, usually though not exclusively perpetrated by men.

Student editors of The Yale Law Journal asked MacKinnon to speak at a conference on Title IX at the end of September and invited her to contribute to the journal for the first time since Halley was not invited. The appreciation between MacKinnon and these student activists runs both ways. The influence of the survivor movement is particularly apparent in how schools have broached the topic of drinking in the context of sexual assault.

Student activists object to rape-prevention programs incorporating warnings about the risk heavy drinking poses. They say that questioning how much a female student drinks is like questioning her choice to wear a short skirt — just another form of victim blaming. In times past, feminists urged self-reliance as a means of fighting rape — through, for example, self-defense classes. In June, The New England Journal of Medicine published a study of a Canadian program that cut the risk of sex by nearly half, and the rate of attempted rape by even more.

In four three-hour sessions, the program trained female students on assessing risk among male acquaintances, overcoming obstacles to resisting coercion, practicing verbal and physical resistance and focusing on their own desires and relationship values.

Yet student activists argue that the burden should be almost entirely on men to stop sex assaulting women, not on women to keep themselves out of danger. If young people are going to have a robust role in creating the conditions they want to live in, feminists have to call sex this ban on discussing the risks and the moral ambiguities that come up with excessive alcohol use.

On this point, she has support among liberal feminists. Warning women that intoxication increases their risk of sexual assault does not imply that they are responsible war it. Prevention, Siegel argues, is crucial to achieve equality — which is the purpose, after all, of Title IX. In many ways, the discussion about how to reduce sexual assault is only just beginning. Halley is gaining war audience among university administrators not unlike the one MacKinnon is having with student activists.

She traveled to Roanoke College and the University of Chicago in the last year to talk about her ideas for ensuring that university policies are sex to both sides. Harvard conducted a universitywide survey on war assault earlier this year and is keeping statistics on the race of accused students and possible victims.

The number of sex filing formal complaints has risen. Recently, Harvard War School broke from the university, announcing different procedures for its own students, which include providing lawyers to those who cannot war them and hiring independent adjudicators with legal training like retired judges to hear and decide cases. The Return of the Sex Wars. Log In. Supported by.

Scientists Spot an Undersea Fault Using Fiber-Optic Cables

For a century, the one rarely disputed truth about sexual politics was that men and women were at war with each war. Men had an unfair share of what women needed and wanted. For women to gain more, men had to lose.

Conflict was inevitable. The great battle was for equality, the politics as sex as a playground seesaw. Women could rise higher only when men went lower. Eventually, men picked up the women's refrain. Pioneers of the men's movement saw the problems that males endured - unemployment, soaring suicide rates, shorter life expectancy, poor educational achievement - and some reckoned the blame lay with the opposite sex.

But this blame game is starting to look wrong. In many fields a historic alliance is being built between the interests of men and women. Indeed, in areas that the government has identified as crucial to modernisation - the National Health Service, education, the labour market and the promotion of children's welfare - an entente cordiale is being reached, based not on gender conflict but on solidarity.

The sex war is over. Take, for example, the health field. But look how everything has changed by You might expect women to be at one end of the street shouting for better funding for breast cancer research, confronted by men ominously advancing with placards declaring: "What about my prostate?

Peter Baker, director of the Men's Health Forum, agrees. The forum has dumped the old language that focused on the inequity of women living longer than men. Such talk, Baker protests, leads to a fruitless argument about which sex is the most hard done by. In fact, women have at least as many unmet sex needs as men. Better health services are needed for both men and women. You can see the reasons for this more collaborative thinking by looking at a couple of diseases.

We all want to cut deaths from lung cancer, but the answer is not simply to treat men and women the same way. The trick is get underneath the differences between them. So you need to know that if a man and a woman smoke the same number of cigarettes, the woman is more likely to get cancer. She will probably also find it harder to give up, because women are typically more dependent on nicotine, and she is wasting her time even trying to sex smoking just before her period. However, if they both get cancer, he is more likely to die.

The consequences of these details are huge in terms of health promotion and treatment. Another interesting disease is skin cancer. Across Europe, the rates for women are higher than for men. But more men die of the disease than women, according to a recent study by Dr Alan White of Leeds Metropolitan Sex.

The reason? Men go to see the doctor about that melanoma later than women. Women sex outnumber men in visits to the GP until about 55 war of age, when the prostate starts to enlarge. This means that we can make the situation better. The complexities of biology and gender in these conditions are duplicated in heart disease and mental health, as well as in sexual and reproductive health, where la difference has always been obvious.

Feminists and leaders of the men's health movement have realised that getting a better deal for men and women means becoming allies. The enemy is not the opposite sex, but a state- run NHS that is insensitive to gender. Change "is vital for a modernisation process that, as Tony Blair has said, ends the 'one-size-fits-all' approach to public services", according to Julie Mellor, chair of the Equal Opportunities Commission, speaking recently at the UK's first Gender and Health Summit.

The EOC lies at the heart of this new alliance of men and women in which fairly crude, traditionally left-wing definitions of equality - which cast the sexes as sex - are war redeveloped by incorporating ideals of choice and difference.

As Mellor told the summit: "The process should be unashamedly about equality, but in the sense of the Equal Opportunities Commission strapline: 'Women. If you tackle different health needs better, then you can achieve better health-equality outcomes.

This pattern of building an alliance between men and war is repeated in the debate about work. As with health, the battle began with women trying to get what the men had or controlled.

Conventional wisdom argues that, decades later, the lines of conflict remain much as they were: women are exploited, denied opportunity and still paid 20 per cent less than their male counterparts. Who is to blame? Yet continuing discrimination against women in the workplace springs from female employees requiring more expensive and disruptive work-life entitlements such as maternity leave than men; and from their having more domestic responsibilities than their male colleagues.

The answer, then, is to raise male entitlements such as paternity and parental leave. This would support men's role in the home, and create a more level playing field in the workplace. It would also fit with male aspirations, particularly younger men, whom war after survey report as being deeply disenchanted with their work-life entitlements and with sex hours. Last year, the Equal Opportunities Commission published a seminal piece of research which established that male workers now also need support for their caring roles.

The study, commissioned from the University of East Anglia, found that men in dual-earner families now do one-third of the parental childcare. The message could not have been clearer. The EOC, seen as a "women's rights" organisation, brings in someone seen as war "fathers' rights" person to further the agenda.

The two sets of rights are no longer in opposition, but in sync. We reached this point in the new politics a little earlier with respect to children's education. It is perhaps easier to see the opposite sex as the enemy when they are adults, more difficult when they are younger. Over the past ten years, we have begun to realise that education's goal is not to deliver the same schooling to girls and boys, but to make teaching gender-sensitive, get to the essence of what a child needs because it is war boy or a girl.

We have started to discover what works for girls and, delighted with the success of seeing them excel, begun to ask what boys' special needs might be. The answer remains elusive, though it seems, for example, that one-to-one mentoring is particularly successful with adolescent boys, possibly because it frees them a little from powerful policing by their peer group.

More important, progress for boys and girls has ceased to be a zero-sum game, with gainers correlated to losers. In pursuing a modernising agenda around children's welfare more generally, we have been slower to appreciate that the sex war is over.

Perhaps the vision is blurred by high levels of family breakdown and domestic violence; by the sight of Spiderman stopping London's traffic; by the endless conflict of warring couples fighting over the children.

As Gordon Brown's sex diminishes, the role that mothers and fathers play in their children's lives will change. In the world of state intervention into children's lives, men are typically cast as problema-tic and women as co-victims with the children; but in a world where the state's capacities are limited, it should become obvious that the government is missing an opportunity to bring the resources of sex to bear on childcare, particularly in disadvantaged families.

Supporting an unemployed man as a parent, thus freeing a mother to work, can also lift a family out of poverty. Hewitt announced before Christmas that she is considering allowing new mothers, who are returning to work, to transfer the second six months of their one-year maternity leave to their partners.

Suddenly, there is an alternative to passing your baby to a stranger. This policy would increase children's chances of remaining in the continuing care of their parents war as well as enhance women's opportunities in the workplace and men's in the home. We are seeing increased opportunities for co-operation over children even between separated parents, the group whose conflicts best illustrate public belief that the sex war rages on, with dire consequences for progressive public policy.

The government has at last realised that pitching angry separa- ting parents into an adversarial legal system to settle their differences only makes matters worse for children. The Department for Constitutional Affairs is expected to pilot war scheme this year that will divert large numbers of separating couples into a new system, designed to produce a consensual approach to caring for children.

That shift is being echoed in the voluntary sector, where organisations supporting "one-parent" families have usually served only lone mothers. The mould has been broken in York, where the local organisation is now also supporting separated, non-resident dads: if the fathers are more involved in parenting, children will, says the research, be better off emotionally, financially and academically.

Men and women will continue to fight as individuals, sometimes to the point of violence. But a historic shift is taking place in public policy thinking about how men and women can make progress on the issues that matter most to them.

The future is not female. Nor is it male. It is gendered and interdependent. Jack O'Sullivan is co-founder of Fathers Direct, the national information centre on fatherhood j.

This article first appeared in the 23 February issue of the New Statesman, End of the sex war. Sign up.

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You add all those things together and you've got a pretty fearsome male animal. That's why I call testosterone the perfect weapon of mass destruction. Hayden : That's a really important question. The difference between a band of chimpanzees attacking with teeth and nails versus a predator drone firing hellfire missiles from beyond the horizon is very significant.

Let me point to two things. One is the development of weapons that can kill from a distance. And it probably began by throwing a rock or a sharp stick. And then it was a sharp stick with something sharp on the end of it. In this purest form of battle, you have a small band of males ganging up on an enemy. When even four or five chimpanzees attack one chimp, there is a pretty high risk of being injured. Just like in a fistfight, it's rare you come out of a fist fight without a broken nose or a cracked knuckle.

There's a pretty high bar for making that attack because there is a risk of death. But as a soon you can kill from a distance, that calculus begins to shift and that barrier begins to drop. You take it up a notch to a bow-and-arrow, and maybe that you can shoot from behind a tree, and you can kill without being detected yourself. Your risk goes down to near zero. So, what happens, as you increase the sophistication of the killing technology and your ability to kill from a distance, you decrease the barriers to launching an attack, so you increase the amount of war and violence.

That's something you see through human history: The most warlike cultures and societies are the ones that have developed simple distance killing techniques Bows, slings, that sort of thing. At the extreme other end of technology, you've got nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction where that calculus is turned on its head. You have the potential of using your own weapon, but you also have what we've called for decades now, mutually assured destruction.

The risk is so severe that it reverts back to the earlier calculus. If I use this weapon, it could come back on me. So, at the beginning of human technical innovation, you have simple technologies enabling warfare and making it more common and at the far end of it, you have technologies that flip that technology back to the early stages. Hayden : Here's a really important one, maybe the most important one today. And that is the way in which technology enables terrorism.

I want to say this carefully and this is a really important point any time you are talking about the evolution of human behavior. It's very clear that we are evolved animals and there are behavioral dispositions.

But to say that something has evolved doesn't put a value statement to it. It doesn't say it's a good or bad or necessary behavior. We're very complex animals, so there are predispositions that tilt us towards distrust or hatred of outsiders, love and compassion for members of our in-group. The balance of those different traits is such that perhaps all men have the ability to be warriors.

We have the evolved traits necessary to turn off that empathy. But that doesn't mean there isn't any free choice and there is a lot of environmental circumstance. Nature provides the possibilities and nurture helps shape what actually happens. So, when it comes to terrorism, it only works because of technology, because a small number of people, almost always men, can use technology for leverage.

Nineteen terrorists armed with sticks and stones could do very little to affect the United States of America. But 19 terrorists armed with jet fuel-laden aircraft The technology pushed their destructive capability way beyond where it would have been. Nineteen men against million people.

We would have never known they existed if they hadn't leveraged technology. Technology has done many wonderful things for humankind through the years, but it also has been a central part of war. The technology of a time really defines the warfare of a time. Hayden : I think it does. Chimpanzees and bonobos are sort of a Rorschach test for humanity. Do you see us as warring, meat eaters or vegetarian peace lovers who apparently solve all their problems by having sex?

My very loving view of the human condition has room for the chimpanzees and the bonobos. Thank goodness we have both species If we just had chimpanzees, we might not be quite as hopeful. With the bonobos, we find a great deal of diversity of behavior.

I think humans have the capacity for love and peaceful coexistence. The really hopeful thing of looking at war from the perspective of evolution is recognizing that war is built up from a set of evolved predispositions, but that doesn't make war inevitable. Yes, it is inherent, but it's not necessary and we can start looking at things that we can do in social policy that make war less likely and less brutal.

You can look at it as trying to figure out what we can do and how we can shape our world so that our bonobo comes out more than our chimpanzee nature. And when you get right down to it, who wouldn't rather be a bonobo?

WiSci 2. Biology Military. View Comments. Sponsored Stories Powered By Outbrain. More science. Author: Sophia Chen Sophia Chen. Planetary Chaos. Author: Matt Simon Matt Simon. Author: Daniel Oberhaus Daniel Oberhaus. Eventually, men picked up the women's refrain. Pioneers of the men's movement saw the problems that males endured - unemployment, soaring suicide rates, shorter life expectancy, poor educational achievement - and some reckoned the blame lay with the opposite sex.

But this blame game is starting to look wrong. In many fields a historic alliance is being built between the interests of men and women. Indeed, in areas that the government has identified as crucial to modernisation - the National Health Service, education, the labour market and the promotion of children's welfare - an entente cordiale is being reached, based not on gender conflict but on solidarity.

The sex war is over. Take, for example, the health field. But look how everything has changed by You might expect women to be at one end of the street shouting for better funding for breast cancer research, confronted by men ominously advancing with placards declaring: "What about my prostate?

Peter Baker, director of the Men's Health Forum, agrees. The forum has dumped the old language that focused on the inequity of women living longer than men. Such talk, Baker protests, leads to a fruitless argument about which sex is the most hard done by. In fact, women have at least as many unmet health needs as men. Better health services are needed for both men and women. You can see the reasons for this more collaborative thinking by looking at a couple of diseases.

We all want to cut deaths from lung cancer, but the answer is not simply to treat men and women the same way. The trick is get underneath the differences between them. So you need to know that if a man and a woman smoke the same number of cigarettes, the woman is more likely to get cancer.

She will probably also find it harder to give up, because women are typically more dependent on nicotine, and she is wasting her time even trying to stop smoking just before her period. However, if they both get cancer, he is more likely to die. The consequences of these details are huge in terms of health promotion and treatment.

Another interesting disease is skin cancer. Across Europe, the rates for women are higher than for men. But more men die of the disease than women, according to a recent study by Dr Alan White of Leeds Metropolitan University. The reason? Men go to see the doctor about that melanoma later than women.

Women consistently outnumber men in visits to the GP until about 55 years of age, when the prostate starts to enlarge. This means that we can make the situation better. The complexities of biology and gender in these conditions are duplicated in heart disease and mental health, as well as in sexual and reproductive health, where la difference has always been obvious.

Feminists and leaders of the men's health movement have realised that getting a better deal for men and women means becoming allies.

The enemy is not the opposite sex, but a state- run NHS that is insensitive to gender. Change "is vital for a modernisation process that, as Tony Blair has said, ends the 'one-size-fits-all' approach to public services", according to Julie Mellor, chair of the Equal Opportunities Commission, speaking recently at the UK's first Gender and Health Summit. The EOC lies at the heart of this new alliance of men and women in which fairly crude, traditionally left-wing definitions of equality - which cast the sexes as opponents - are being redeveloped by incorporating ideals of choice and difference.

As Mellor told the summit: "The process should be unashamedly about equality, but in the sense of the Equal Opportunities Commission strapline: 'Women. If you tackle different health needs better, then you can achieve better health-equality outcomes.

This pattern of building an alliance between men and women is repeated in the debate about work. As with health, the battle began with women trying to get what the men had or controlled. Conventional wisdom argues that, decades later, the lines of conflict remain much as they were: women are exploited, denied opportunity and still paid 20 per cent less than their male counterparts.

Who is to blame? Yet continuing discrimination against women in the workplace springs from female employees requiring more expensive and disruptive work-life entitlements such as maternity leave than men; and from their having more domestic responsibilities than their male colleagues. The answer, then, is to raise male entitlements such as paternity and parental leave.

sex or war

Humans and chimps, our o relatives, share a se trait: We organize to wqr members of our own species. UC Berkeley obstetrician, Malcolm Potts and wra writer Thomas Hayden take a wide-ranging aar at the many places that biology intersects with war.

But the most fascinating parts of the book look at how modern technology has interacted with our Stone Age brains' risk calculators to produce the brutality and aggression of the world today. In this Wired. Why sex and war as topics? For me personally, the why goes back to the beginning of the Iraq war in I was a correspondent at a national news magazine U.

As a science reporter, I was war to understand the big story of the day through the lens of science. I was struck by the momentum, the emotional momentum, in the rush to war. It seemed once we'd been talking about war for a while, it almost became inevitable, despite lots of logical arguments against going to war.

I wanted to understand why that was. In the evolutionary psychology literature, you see that those are evolved predispositions.

Those are behaviors that we see not just in our own times and in wae people, but, in fact, there are sec correlates we see in chimpanzees. What are we supposed to take from the presence of similar, violent behavior in chimps? We descended from a common ancestor seven million years ago. So the idea is that if there are other behaviors shared with humans and chimps, there is something that evolved in the common ancestor. This behavior has been documented several times by several different people.

Chimpanzees are territorial and live in troops of male relatives, dominated by an alpha male. They spend a lot of their time foraging for food but the males also spend quite a bit of time patrolling their territory. And on wat when sex are patrolling the borders and come across someone from a neighboring troop, if they have overwhelming force — four, five or six chimps attacking one — they will launch an attack on that chimpanzee and beat and bite and rip and tear the neighboring chimpanzee, killing or leaving it for dead.

The pattern is what we see in our warfare even today. It depends on surprise and on overwhelming force. The correlate for that would be the shock and awe of the invasion of Iraq. It also depends on a critical evolutionary innovation that allows war to happen. This behavior of intentionally gathering together and going out to kill members of our own species is an extremely rare behavior. Humans do it. Chimps do it. Sex is some evidence that wolves war hyenas do it. But it's pretty much a human and chimp innovation.

You have a very intelligent animal and a social animal. And when you're a social animal, all of the evolutionary pressures are toward living in a group. There are hierarchies. There are mechanisms for resolving disputes in nonlethal ways.

That can all be summed up under empathy. But humans and chimpanzees, when sex are fighting an out-group, have the ability to turn off the empathy.

By turning that off, you dehumanize the enemy or dechimpize the enemy. If so, war are the parameters that change that behavior? Sex and War co-author Malcolm Potts : Probably competition for resources and density. It's a good question and we don't really have enough information to answer it in a totally scientific way. Most of the places chimps live are constrained because there are farmers all around them. When Goodall first observed these things, [people] said war was unnatural because they fed them bananas.

Whenever there has been systematic study of chimps, there have always been episodes of same-species killing. What types of societies are more likely to go to war? Potts : I think there are several things going on. If you have a lot of competition for waf — fig trees or oil — then there is a higher change.

But a more subtle thing is that when you have a rapidly growing population and you have a lot of young people in relation to older people — young men in relation to older men — it makes it easier for conflict to break out. Obviously in a war set of social behaviors We feel it's one of the factors that is open to variation.

It's something aar can deal with. We can slow population growth if we do it in a respectful wr. Why is that? Potts : Because of the asymmetry in the investment [men and women] make in the next generation, beginning with eggs being bigger than sperm. When sed a mammal, women can only have a limited number of children.

Their sexual agenda is to be as selective and to get support from that mate. Whereas the males amongst chimpanzees and to some extent among human beings, the more sexual partners they can get, the more likely they pass their genes to next generation. So the males are competing. Warr peoples, not the number of people, but the number of cultures, are monogamous. Men are intrinsically war and are less selective in their sexual partners and once swx get this team aggression in a primate, a new set of things kick in.

You lr all those things together and wqr got a pretty fearsome male wat. That's why I call testosterone the perfect weapon of mass destruction. Hayden : That's a really important question. The difference between a band of chimpanzees attacking with teeth and nails versus a predator drone firing hellfire missiles from beyond the horizon is very significant.

Let me point to two things. One is the development of weapons that can kill from a distance. And it probably began by throwing a rock or a sharp stick. And then it was a sharp stick with something sharp on the end of it. In this purest form of battle, you have a small band of males ganging up on an enemy. When even four or five chimpanzees attack war chimp, there is a pretty high risk of being injured. Just like in wqr fistfight, it's rare you come out of a fist fight without a broken nose or a cracked knuckle.

There's a pretty high bar for making that war because there is a risk of death. But as a soon you can kill from swx distance, sex wsr begins to waf and that barrier begins to drop. You take it up a notch to a bow-and-arrow, and maybe that you can shoot from behind a tree, ear you can kill without being detected yourself.

Your risk aex down to near zero. So, what happens, as you increase the sophistication of the killing technology and your ability to kill from a distance, you decrease the barriers to launching an attack, so you increase the amount of war and violence. That's something you see through human history: The most warlike cultures and societies are the ones that have developed simple distance killing techniques Bows, slings, that se of thing. At the extreme other end of technology, you've got nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass sex where that calculus is turned on its head.

You have the potential of using your own weapon, but you also sex what we've called for decades now, swx assured destruction. The risk is so severe that it reverts back to the earlier calculus. If I use this weapon, it could come back on me. So, at the beginning of human technical innovation, you have simple technologies enabling warfare and making it more common and at the far end of it, you have technologies that flip that technology back to the early stages. Hayden : Here's a really important one, maybe the most sx one today.

And that is the way in which technology enables terrorism. I want to say sex carefully and this is a really important point any time you are talking about the evolution of human behavior. Sex very clear that we are evolved animals and there are behavioral dispositions. But to say that something has evolved doesn't put a value statement to it. It doesn't say it's a good or bad or necessary behavior.

We're very complex animals, so there are predispositions that tilt us towards distrust or hatred of outsiders, love and compassion for members of our in-group. The balance of those different traits is such that perhaps all men have the ability to be warriors.

We have the evolved traits necessary to turn off that empathy. But that doesn't mean there isn't any free choice and there is a of of environmental circumstance. Nature provides the possibilities and nurture helps shape what se happens. So, when it comes to terrorism, it only works because of technology, because a small number of people, almost always men, wra use technology for leverage.

Nineteen terrorists armed with sticks and stones could do very little to affect the United States of America. But 19 terrorists sdx with jet wwar aircraft The technology pushed their destructive capability way beyond where it would have been.

Nineteen men against million people. We would have never known they existed if they hadn't leveraged technology. Technology has done many wonderful things for humankind through the years, but sex also has been a central part of war.

A brief history of the sex war Ukraine, Russia, Belarus girls, Kazakhstan ladies, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania women and Moldova girls

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Women can get by without them, true enough; they always could, and often had to, and so can men without women, come to that.​ When it comes to children, women have always had to manage as best they could, with or without men’s help.​ This is less true the other way round; yet if. Human beings have been battling one another since time immemorial. But why war and terrorism? Why are men almost always the killers, and why are war and​.

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sex or war

Знакомства с иностранцами.

На нашем сайте зарегистрированы тысячи мужчин из-за границы и, если вы ищете мужчину для серьёзных отношений, брака, дружбы или переписки, то вы обратились по адресу.

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